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Indonesian democracy focused on more stability
By ANTHONY DEUTSCH,Associated Press Writer AP - Sunday, July 5
JAKARTA, Indonesia _ Just over a decade ago, mobs torched buildings across Indonesia's capital in an uprising that toppled a 32-year military dictatorship.
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Today the world's fourth largest country, with its fragile democracy, is relatively peaceful as it heads toward Wednesday's presidential elections. The economy is bucking a global downturn, and Indonesian soldiers are posted as overseas peacekeepers instead of battling separatists at home.
The newfound stability _ in a nation that previously saw three presidents in four years, a devastating financial meltdown and a string of terrorist bombings by Islamic militants _ is the main reason voters are expected to return President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to office for a second five-year term.
"They have done a great job so far," said Henry Silalahi, a 38-year-old insurance company accountant, referring to Yudhoyono and his party. "But it is not enough."
Indonesians will be looking to Yudhoyono to make greater strides against deep-rooted corruption and widespread poverty _ major challenges facing the predominantly Muslim country of 235 million.
"Indonesia has been very, very successful," said Sunny Tanuwidjaja, a specialist in politics and social change at the independent Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta. "But major hurdles for real democracy are still coming, and everything is possible."
The election is a three-way race between Yudhoyono, a 63-year-old former general; Megawati Sukarnoputri, who ruled for three years from 2001-2004 and whose father was Indonesia's first president; and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, the frontman of ex-dictator Suharto's former political machine, Golkar, who has paired up with retired Gen. Wiranto. Wiranto was indicted by the U.N. for rights abuses in East Timor.
Polls indicate that Yudhoyono, who rose through the ranks during Suharto's brutal reign and has ruled for five years with the help of fundamentalist Muslim parties, has a comfortable lead and possibly enough to avoid a run-off on September 8.
Since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesians have grappled with their Islamic identity, searching for a balance between religion _ 90 percent say they are Muslims _ and their secular government.
Unlike the previous election in 2004, when Indonesians were shaken by al-Qaida funded suicide attacks that killed 240 people, most of them foreigners on Bali, the threat of terrorism has barely been an issue.
Yudhoyono, Indonesia's first democratically elected leader, has won praise for a U.S.-backed security crackdown on the Southeast Asian Jemaah Islamiyah network, and it has been more than three years since a major attack.
Campaigns briefly touched on Islamic identity, but media attention focused on whose wife wears a headscarf _ the president's and his running mate's do not, while some of his opponents' do _ but stayed clear of sensitive faith issues.
More attention has been paid to how the candidates will maintain stability.
Facing total collapse just a decade ago, Indonesia is now Southeast Asia's largest and one of its healthiest economies. Reforms and tight monetary policy have produced steady growth now at around 4 percent. A peace deal ended decades of civil war in Aceh province.
But Indonesia has struggled to attract badly needed foreign investment, due to its weak legal system and concerns about corruption. The country where President Barack Obama spent four years as a schoolboy regularly tops the list of the most corrupt nations.
The Corruption Eradication Commission, seen as a key gauge of the president's success, has convicted scores of lawmakers and entrepreneurs, including the father-in-law of Yudhoyono's son _ a governor who received a four-and-a-half year prison term last month.
An immediate task for the next president, who will be inaugurated in October, will be determining the commission's future. The body has operated without its chief, Antasari Azhar, since he was detained on murder charges in May, and its mandate expires in December.
A proposal before the outgoing parliament, where the commission is widely disliked after convicting a dozen members of accepting bribes, will strip it of the independent prosecutorial powers that have made it effective.
With around 100 million Indonesians living on less than $2 a day, capturing the vote of the poor masses has been a top priority.
Yudhoyono's approval rating doubled to 50 percent in February after his government spent $2 billion on cash handouts for low-income families and reduced fuel prices, a move Dr. Marcus Mietzner of the Lowy Institute for Intentional Policy said in an analysis will likely propel him to victory.
Shortly after the measures, Yudhoyono's incumbent Democratic Party tripled its seats in parliament, a boost that should help him press ahead with reforms.
Over the past five years, Yudhoyono's coalition government has relied heavily on the support of conservative Islamic parties and faced accusations of caving into the demands of radicals. More than 150 Shariah, or Muslim-based, bylaws were passed in several districts and a new national anti-pornography bill bans "erotic" images, poems and dancing.
But intolerance of religious minorities by fundamentalists poses a threat to Indonesia's stability, said Sunny, the political analyst, referring to a decree issued by Yudhoyono's Cabinet a year ago against the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect.
The government ordered its 200,000 Indonesian followers to halt "activities that are not in accordance with interpretations of the religion of Islam."
Such political involvement in religion is "very, very dangerous for the future. We have a problem and it has to be admitted," said Sunny.
"Many regional regulations went too far in governing religious issues," Yudhoyono conceded in a final televised debate Thursday night that was watched by 80 million people. "Hopefully there will be no more bylaws that run against the constitution."
While Indonesia clearly has serious work ahead to strengthen its democracy, it can almost certainly count on five more years under Yudhoyono to do it.
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