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Monday, 27 June 2011 - At heart of Thai election, a fugitive rallies |
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    Edition: U.S. Article Comments (1) Full Focus Photos of the week Our top photos from the past week.  Full Article  Follow Reuters Facebook Twitter RSS YouTube Read Floodwaters surround nuke plant after breach 26 Jun 2011 Brady Bunch mom got crabs in affair with NY mayor 25 Jun 2011 Greece to debate austerity package under EU pressure 3:29am EDT "Boil order" issued after Minot water supply breach | 26 Jun 2011 Nebraska residents shrug off flood risk to nuclear plant 26 Jun 2011 Discussed 219 Biden deficit-cut talks hit impasse: Rep. Cantor 137 CBO sees government benefits swamping U.S. economy 103 Fragile economy pushed Obama to tap oil reserves Watched French Fries and fat cakes for U.S. First Lady in Botswana Sat, Jun 25 2011 A Tokyo-Paris flight in under three hours on the horizon Fri, Jun 24 2011 Hefner's revenge; Ryan Reynolds stops traffic Fri, Jun 17 2011 At heart of Thai election, a fugitive rallies Tweet Share this Email Print Factboxes Main parties contesting Thailand's election 1:52am EDT Facts about Thailand's election 1:52am EDT Related News Scenarios: Trouble in store for Thailand after the election? 2:06am EDT Analysis & Opinion America’s economy: glass half-full? Transcript of Carlos Ghosn interview Related Topics World » Thailand » A girl wearing a traditional costume holds a placard displaying a picture of ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra during a religious ceremony at a temple in the village of Suan Mon near Udon Thani in northeastern Thailand June 25, 2011. Regional leaders of Thailand's red-shirt protest movement held a traditional Buddhist ceremony to launch 38 villages to be designated as the ''Red Shirt Village of Democracy''. The red shirts, supporters of Thaksin, have been branding hundreds of villages as red to rally behind Thaksin's sister, Yingluck, who is leading the opposition ahead of July 3 general elections. Credit: Reuters/Damir Sagolj By Jason Szep SUAN MON, Thailand | Mon Jun 27, 2011 2:06am EDT SUAN MON, Thailand (Reuters) - Saffron-robed monks chanted and young women in silk sarongs stretched out their arms in traditional Thai dance moves, but the big event was the voice on a scratchy telephone line from another continent. "Be prepared. Good things are about to come," billionaire former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra said from his Dubai mansion in a telephone call to a Buddhist temple where 38 communities declared their allegiance to Thaksin, formally becoming "Red Shirt Villages" in solidarity with the red-shirted movement that backs him. In a sign of his support, the number of "Red Shirt Villages" has doubled to more than 700 in two northeastern provinces since a Reuters report uncovered the phenomenon on June 7. Although Thaksin's younger sister and opposition leader, Yingluck Shinawatra, leads opinion polls for Thailand's July 3 election, the vote is boiling down to a referendum on her brother, a divisive figure who scored landslide election wins in 2001 and 2005 only to be ousted in a 2006 military coup. Military-backed Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has urged voters in Bangkok to avoid the "poison" of Thaksin, saying Yingluck and her Puea Thai Party are clear proxies for the telecommunications tycoon, who lives in Dubai to evade a jail sentence for conflict-of-interest charges he says were politically motivated. Thaksin hasn't helped matters, describing his sister once as his "clone," and thumbing out "tweets" on Puea Thai policy. The traditional Bangkok elite of top generals, royal advisers and old-money families who back the ruling Democrat Party is watching closely, fearing Thaksin will exact revenge against those who toppled him if his sister gains power. Many fear something far more basic: that the election will prove meaningless and that the real struggle for power will play out behind the scenes among generals and political power-brokers or in the streets in a reprise of last year's bloody clashes between the low-income red shirts and a military intent on keeping Thaksin at bay. That risk cannot be ruled out. Opinion polls overwhelmingly favor Yingluck, a telegenic 44-year-old businesswoman and political novice who has confounded skeptics by running a disciplined, media savvy campaign. With an actress's good-looks, she could well become Thailand's first elected female leader --if she is allowed to govern. Some predict Puea Thai may win an outright majority, but a hung parliament looks more likely, in which case smaller parties will be decisive, opening the way for horse-trading -- and for trouble. If Yingluck wins the most votes but ultimately fails to govern, the red shirts may mobilize in new protests. "I fear there will be fraud in the election," said Pathum Sinlawong, the chief monk in Suan Mon, a village surrounded by rice paddies and sugarcane fields in the vote-rich northeast Thailand -- a rural bastion for Thaksin and the opposition. "Some invisible elements can do things behind the scenes and rob the election." The notion of "invisible elements," or a "third hand," has gained prominence in Thai politics since the 2006 coup and after tacit behind-the-scenes army intervention that helped bring the current government to power. To appease the military and its powerful backers, Yingluck has struck a conciliatory tone, vowing not to rush into an amnesty for Thaksin and saying there will be no revenge for the coup. On Saturday, her party issued a statement that stressed amnesty for Thaksin was not a formal policy. Not many appear convinced, including Thaksin himself, who this month told Reuters he hoped to return home by December. "ARE WE READY TO FIGHT?" In Suan Mon and other villages in the northeast, it is clear who most voters prefer - not Abhisit and not necessarily Yingluck. "Are we ready to fight?" Anond Sangnan, a red-shirt leader, told nearly 100 villagers packed into Suan Mon's temple. "Yes," roared the crowd. "Do we love Thaksin?" "Yes," they shouted back. Anond leaned forward. "Who do we hate?" he asked. "Abhisit," thundered the response. Since a Reuters report on June 7 revealed at least 320 villages in the provinces of Udon Thani and Khon Kaen had designated themselves as "Red Shirt Villages," the number has more than doubled to at least 710, say local red-shirt organizers. Their trademark is a large red billboard posted at the village entrance with Thaksin's smiling image. Don Chainapun, a red-shirt leader in Udon Thani city, aims to launch at least 1,000 more before the election. Abhisit has called the villages "divisive" and a threat to national reconciliation. Army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha says they are a "concern." Chuan Leekpai, chief adviser to Abhisit's Democrat Party, said last week the villages "instill distorted and false information against our major national institutions. This is a dangerous trend." Leaders in some villages say they have faced intimidation by soldiers and police who have taken down red flags. In Thaksin's telephone call to the temple on Saturday as part of the inauguration of the 38 red villages, he dismissed the government's criticisms as falsehoods by "people who are about to lose power," assuring villagers they were not "separatists" and urging supporters to avoid the temptation to sell their vote - an endemic problem in Thai elections. "There are no votes for sale here," he said to cheers, adding that voters would enjoy an expansion in village budgets if they back his party. "Other parties should realize they cannot buy votes from these villages." At the ceremony, red-shirt leaders carried long lists of voters in each village, and appeared to know exactly how many would support Thaksin's sister. "We have about 90 to 95 percent of red shirts in each village," said Don. Anond said red shirts he calls "hawks" will monitor ballot booths on election day to prevent fraud. "These hawks will represent us from every corner of our villages and notify us if there is any attempt to cheat," he said. The red branding of villages is not openly supported by top red-shirt leaders in Bangkok. But red-shirt leaders in the northeast say they are a crucial mobilizing force for Yingluck, raising her chances of turning out the sort of support that delivered unprecedented back-to-back landslides for her brother in 2001 and 2005. Inside the villages, slogans on red T-shirts and posters accuse the rich, the Bangkok establishment and top military brass of breaking laws with impunity - grievances that echo across the northeast, a region known as "Isaan" that is home to a third of Thailand's 68 million people. Thaksin remains revered as the first Thai leader to pay attention to their needs. His cheap credit and health-care schemes proved so popular with the poor that Abhisit's government sought to copy them. "For many people, Thaksin is symbolic of someone who was overthrown illegitimately. Power was taken away from him the same way people feel power has been taken away from them," said Peerapol Pattanapeeradej, mayor of the capital of Khon Kaen province. At the temple ceremony on Saturday, women danced in front of a larger-than-life poster of Thaksin. A monk held up a red placard with his image. Excitement rippled through the temple when an organizer announced a "special person" would call. It wasn't Yingluck. "AUTOCRATIC" But Thaksin's image as a democratic icon is at odds with his record as premier. While in power, critics accused him of abusing his electoral mandate to systematically dismantle constitutional checks and balances while cementing his own authoritarian rule and indulging in crony capitalism. Media watchdogs say he oversaw a steady erosion of press freedom. "Thaksin is autocratic in some aspects. He wasn't friendly with the press. He was never tolerant of criticism but he allows people room for participation and a budget to manage locally, and rural people felt politically involved when he was in power," said Luaen Srisubho, a fugitive red-shirt activist in Sakhon Nakorn province. For her part, Yingluck has vowed to carry on with her brother's populist economic programs - from free Tablet PCs for about one million school children to minimum wage increases. Abhisit's policies are broadly similar, but he has cast the election as a chance to rid Thailand of the "toxin" of Thaksin. Given Thaksin's mass support, that looks difficult. "For those looking for a stable outcome after this election, there is really very little choice," said Buapun Promphakping, a sociology professor at Khon Kaen University. (Editing by Sugita Katyal) World Thailand Tweet this Link this Share this Digg this Email Reprints   We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion, anecdotes, links and data. If you see a comment that you believe is irrelevant or inappropriate, you can flag it to our editors by using the report abuse links. Views expressed in the comments do not represent those of Reuters. For more information on our comment policy, see http://blogs.reuters.com/fulldisclosure/2010/09/27/toward-a-more-thoughtful-conversation-on-stories/ Comments (1) Sonnyjc9 wrote: It being Thailand the fact of fraud in the election is a given. That the people seem to think Thaksin is a cure all is also nothing new. That Thaksin will exact revenge is well known. Will the rest of the Country allow him to return. Not likely. No matter who ‘wins’ in the election the military will never allow him to return and corrupt their fledgling democracy again. Power and the biggie INFLUENCE will converge to keep Yingluck from taking office even if her brother’s party wins. Thaksin wants his billions back and will walk on the grave of his Country to get it. The Red Shirts cry for justice but a first hand run in with them show they care about nothing except what their puppet master wants and will do anything to achieve his goals. Any other Country and would have their leaders on trial for treason. Jun 27, 2011 3:25am EDT  --  Report as abuse See All Comments » Add Your Comment Social Stream (What's this?) © Copyright 2011 Thomson Reuters Editorial Editions: Africa Arabic Argentina Brazil Canada China France Germany India Italy Japan Latin America Mexico Russia Spain United Kingdom United States Reuters Contact Us Advertise With Us Help Journalism Handbook Archive Site Index Video Index Reader Feedback   Mobile Newsletters RSS Podcasts Widgets Your View Analyst Research Thomson Reuters Copyright Disclaimer Privacy Professional Products Professional Products Support Financial Products About Thomson Reuters Careers Online Products Acquisitions Monthly Buyouts Venture Capital Journal International Financing Review Project Finance International PEhub.com PE Week FindLaw Super Lawyers Attorney Rating Service Reuters on Facebook Thomson Reuters is the world's largest international multimedia news agency, providing investing news, world news, business news, technology news, headline news, small business news, news alerts, personal finance, stock market, and mutual funds information available on Reuters.com, video, mobile, and interactive television platforms. Thomson Reuters journalists are subject to an Editorial Handbook which requires fair presentation and disclosure of relevant interests. NYSE and AMEX quotes delayed by at least 20 minutes. Nasdaq delayed by at least 15 minutes. For a complete list of exchanges and delays, please click here.

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